A recent meeting between notorious mob boss Alaattin Çakıcı and Ogün Samast, the convicted murderer of Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, has ignited speculation about a government strategy to suppress nationalist dissent ahead of possible peace talks with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

The PKK, listed as a terrorist organization by Turkey and its Western allies, has been waging a bloody war in Turkey’s southeast since 1984. Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the conflict.

Çakıcı, a notorious mob boss with ties to Turkey’s political establishment, has been spotted meeting with Samast, the far-right extremist who killed Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2007.

Photographs and video footage released by investigative journalist Cevheri Güven on Tuesday, suggest the meeting was not coincidental but rather part of a coordinated effort to consolidate nationalist elements amidst potential political turbulence.

The images, taken in Turkey’s northeastern Trabzon province, show Çakıcı and Samast together in public.

Critics allege that Çakıcı, who was released from prison by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government, is being mobilized to manage potential unrest tied to political negotiations involving Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the PKK.

Last month, Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) chairman Devlet Bahçeli, a staunch ally of President Erdoğan, said that Öcalan should be released from prison and address the Turkish parliament to end what he labeled “separatist terrorism.”

Bahçeli’s call was shocking as it came from a figure historically associated with anti-PKK sentiment among nationalist Turks; his party positions itself as vehemently opposed to what the PKK stands for.

Analysts speculate that Çakıcı, who met Bahçeli several times after he was released from prison, acts as a liaison between the government and the nationalist circles to manage potential unrest in the face of radical moves like releasing Öcalan.

Although he is hailed as a hero in many Kurdish-majority provinces, Öcalan is demonized in public discourse and opinion to the point that until recently, many national broadcasters did not dare utter his name without adding qualifications like “baby killer,” or “terrorist leader.”

Thus, any government attempt to release such a figure will result in some opposition, even in a country where authoritarian tendencies have been consolidated in the last decade.

Yesterday, the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) applied to the Justice Ministry for permission to meet with Öcalan. DEM Party Co-chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan filed the application, expressing their readiness to contribute to a democratic solution of the Kurdish conflict and the democratization of Turkey.

This initiative follows a renewed call from Bahçeli for dialogue with Öcalan. Bahçeli suggested that Öcalan could urge the PKK to lay down its arms and even hinted at possible legislative action for his release if he takes this step.

President Erdoğan backed Bahçeli’s call, referring to it as a “historic opportunity” to resolve the Kurdish issue. The leader of the main opposition CHP, Özgür Özel, responded cautiously, indicating openness to participating in a transparent settlement process but emphasizing respect for the sensitivities of those affected by PKK violence.

A meeting steeped in symbolism

Çakıcı’s presence in Trabzon, a city historically associated with nationalism, alongside Samast, who served time for Dink’s assassination, is seen as a provocative statement. Güven described the meeting as a “handshake with history,” emphasizing that both figures represent key moments in Turkey’s fraught political landscape.

“This meeting is a declaration of the obvious,” Güven said in his video. “Those who raised and directed Samast are from the same circles as those who have empowered Çakıcı.”

Çakıcı, released in 2020 through a controversial legal amendment spearheaded by MHP leader Bahçeli, has openly referred to his actions as a “state duty.” Bahçeli’s close ties to Çakıcı and his endorsement of the mob boss as a patriot have drawn criticism from opposition figures, who accuse the government of leveraging criminal networks to maintain control.

Journalist Güven claimed that Bahçeli had tasked Çakıcı with suppressing dissent in nationalist strongholds through intimidation and violence, particularly in response to possibility of renewed negotiations with PKK. Turkey initiated negotiations with Kurdish militants in 2012 but the talks broke down in 2015, resulting in a flare-up in violence in the decades-long conflict.

Çakıcı’s meeting with Samast appears to be part of a strategy to control damage that might arise from nationalist unrest to a renewed peace initiative.

“Çakıcı has begun touring nationalist cities, starting symbolically in Samsun,” Güven said. “Samsun was his first stop, mirroring [Turkey’s founder Mustafa Kemal] Atatürk’s historic landing [to start the struggle against allied powers after World War I]. It’s clear he’s positioning himself as a figure of nationalist unity, albeit through dubious means.”

Samast’s release

Samast, who was a teenager when he assassinated Dink, was released from prison in 2023 after serving his sentence. The murder of Dink, a prominent advocate for Armenian-Turkish reconciliation, marked one of the darkest chapters in Turkey’s modern history. The subsequent trial was criticized for failing to hold state actors accountable, with many accusing the government of orchestrating a cover-up.

Despite the gravity of his crime, Samast has faced little societal condemnation since his release. His meeting with Çakıcı underscores a troubling trend in which convicted criminals associated with nationalist violence are publicly celebrated.

“This photo is not just a meeting; it’s a message,” said Adem Yavuz Arslan, a journalist who has extensively covered Turkey’s deep-state operations. “It’s an embrace of the past and a flare for future operations.”

Deep-state connections resurface

The meeting has reignited discussions about the so-called “deep state,” a term used to describe a shadowy network of military, intelligence and organized crime figures who operate beyond official oversight. Many analysts argue that the Dink murder was orchestrated by such elements, with Samast serving as a pawn.

According to analysts, nationalist fervor, stoked by state actors, created the conditions for Dink’s assassination. They point to a systematic effort by Turkey’s National Security Council in the early 2000s to amplify anti-minority sentiment as part of a broader nationalist agenda.

Critics have long accused the Erdoğan’s government of exploiting the Dink murder to target political opponents, particularly the Gülen movement, which the government blames for a wide range of alleged conspiracies.

The Çakıcı-Samast meeting has heightened concerns about the rekindling of political violence in Turkey. Observers warn that the government’s reliance on figures like Çakıcı to manage dissent sets a dangerous precedent, particularly as the country faces economic instability and increasing polarization.

“Since the real perpetrators of political assassinations go unpunished, the way is open for future crimes,” journalist Arslan said. “Unfortunately, we have entered a very dark period, and things are likely to get worse.”

The MHP’s influence within the AKP coalition has grown in recent years, but this alliance faces internal tensions.

As the government navigates potential peace talks with the PKK and mounting economic woes, its strategy of leveraging nationalist symbols and criminal networks risks exacerbating an already volatile situation.