Hüseyin Çelik, a founding member of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) who served as minister of education between 2003 and 2009, has sharply criticized the country’s judiciary, saying it has become a “militant” force in the wake of a failed coup on July 15, 2016, in an interview with KHK TV, a broadcasting platform dedicated to telling the stories of purge victims.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government hold the Gülen movement responsible for the coup attempt, which was suppressed overnight and claimed some 250 lives. The movement, inspired by the views of Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen, who died in October, strongly denies the allegations.
Çelik alleged that the post-coup judicial system functions as a tool of political repression, likening it to Turkey’s early 20th-century Independence Tribunals, which were established by the republic’s founders to eliminate threats to the young republic through capital punishment and forced displacement.
“We have created our own militant judiciary,” he said. “A judiciary emerged in Turkey after July 15, which is not really a judiciary at all. It operates like a guillotine, much like the Independence Tribunals did in the past.”
Since the coup attempt, a total of 705,172 people have been investigated on terrorism or coup-related charges due to their alleged links to the movement. There are currently 13,251 people in prison who are in pretrial detention or convicted of terrorism in Gülen-linked trials.
Thousands of other Gülen movement followers had to flee Turkey to avoid the government crackdown. Some of these people had to take illegal and risky journeys in boats to Greece because their passports had been revoked by the government.
Çelik argued that many people were convicted based on vague associations, without substantive evidence or the right to defend themselves properly in court.
Mass purges and rights violations
One of the most controversial aspects of Turkey’s post-coup crackdown has been the widespread use of emergency decrees (KHKs) to dismiss thousands from public service, including academics, teachers, judges and military personnel.
Following the coup attempt, the Turkish government declared a state of emergency and carried out a massive purge of state institutions under the pretext of an anti-coup fight. More than 130,000 public servants were summarily removed from their jobs for alleged membership in or relationships with “terrorist organizations” by virtue of emergency decree laws, subject to neither judicial nor parliamentary scrutiny. Others were also summarily targeted.
Çelik voiced strong disapproval of this practice, highlighting how entire families suffered as a result of dismissals based on accusations of “affiliation” or “contact” with groups deemed threats to the state.
“We talk about judicial independence on paper, but in reality, we are deceiving ourselves,” he said. “The judiciary is no longer a fair institution, and its independence is a myth. We dismissed people from their jobs arbitrarily, and even those who were later acquitted were not reinstated. Their families, including their children, were also punished by association. This is inhumane and unacceptable.”
Criticism of the government’s approach to Kurdish rights
Çelik also addressed the long-standing struggle of Kurds for recognition, arguing that democratization of the country is the only viable solution. He rejected proposals that would see Kurdish autonomy modeled after the federal arrangement in Iraq’s Kurdistan region, instead advocating for broader democratic reforms in Turkey.
“There is no need to impose artificial solutions. If Turkey truly functions as a democratic state governed by the rule of law, and if all citizens enjoy equal rights, the Kurdish issue will resolve itself,” he said. “The key is ensuring genuine democracy and respect for human rights.”
Çelik criticized the inconsistencies in government policies, pointing out how politicians have shifted their positions on issues like Kurdish rights and political representation. He expressed distrust of President Erdoğan and his ally Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), saying, “They have taken so many contradictory stances that I can no longer trust what they say.”
Öcalan and political prisoners
A significant portion of Çelik’s remarks focused on the government’s handling of political prisoners, particularly Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. He argued that if there is serious discussion about Öcalan’s potential release, then no other political prisoners should remain behind bars.
“If Abdullah Öcalan, who is held responsible for tens of thousands of deaths, is to be released or given certain rights, then there should not be a single political prisoner left in Turkish jails,” he said. “It is unacceptable that frail, elderly prisoners with chronic illnesses remain behind bars while political negotiations happen behind closed doors.”
He specifically mentioned 80-year-old Melek İpek, a critically ill prisoner, questioning how the government could justify keeping such individuals detained while considering clemency for Öcalan.
The AKP’s evolution and its future
As one of the party’s founding figures, Çelik also reflected on the transformation of the AKP, arguing that it has strayed from its original principles. “When the AKP was established, it was meant to be the party of the people. But now, the party has become the state, and the state has become the party,” he said. “A ruling party that fuses with the state loses its ability to govern fairly and eventually seals its own fate.”
He urged AKP leaders to “take a hard look at themselves” and acknowledge the grievances of those who feel marginalized by the government’s policies. “A state cannot function through coercion alone. If millions feel alienated — whether they are Kurds, dismissed public servants or people struggling with financial hardship — then stability and peace become impossible,” he warned.